Between August 2025 and June 2026, 10 states changed the congressional map their voters will use, outside the once-a-decade cycle those maps are normally drawn on. Below, each one's House delegation appears twice: once as elected under the old lines, and once as the new lines are designed to split it.
Two rows per state, old lines above new, every seat in its party's colour. The seats whose lines moved are ringed in amber in both rows, so you can watch the same squares change sides while the rest of the delegation holds.
The old row is the delegation elected in November 2024. The new row is the split each map is designed or projected to produce, as reported by the sources cited for each state below. No general election has been held on most of these lines, so the new row is a projection, not a result.
Under each state is a yardstick: how the state split in the 2024 presidential vote, counting the two major candidates only, and the delegation that would mirror that split. It is not a legal standard. House seats are won one district at a time, and a party that narrowly wins most districts can take far more than its statewide share without any map being drawn to do it. Across these ten states: 101R–80D before, 111R–70D after, and 96R–85D in proportion to the presidential vote.
Ballot measure · mid-decade
2024 presidential voteR 40% · D 60%In proportion21R · 31D
Proposition 50 set aside the independent commission's map for this cycle, targeting up to five Republican-held seats. Voters approved it 64.4% to 35.6%.
Legislature · mid-decade
2024 presidential voteR 57% · D 43%In proportion22R · 16D
Five Democratic-held districts were redrawn for Republican pickup, among them the 28th, 34th and 35th. Brookings argues the map is unlikely to deliver all five.
Legislature · mid-decade
2024 presidential voteR 57% · D 43%In proportion16R · 12D
A four-seat Republican gain, reported at delegation level. No per-district breakdown has been corroborated.
Commission · required by state constitution
2024 presidential voteR 56% · D 44%In proportion8R · 7D
The state constitution forced the redraw because the 2021 map passed without bipartisan support. Sources agree on a two-seat shift but not on which two districts, so those seats are drawn hollow.
Legislature · mid-decade
2024 presidential voteR 52% · D 48%In proportion7R · 7D
The 1st district, the delegation's most competitive seat, was redrawn. North Carolina's governor cannot veto a redistricting bill.
Legislature · mid-decade
2024 presidential voteR 65% · D 35%In proportion6R · 3D
The Memphis-based 9th, the state's one reliably Democratic seat, was divided.
Legislature · mid-decade · contested in court
2024 presidential voteR 59% · D 41%In proportion5R · 3D
The 2025 map splits Kansas City to target the 5th district. Which map applies in November is unresolved: on 8 September 2026 the Supreme Court and a federal judge gave opposite instructions.
Legislature · after Supreme Court order
2024 presidential voteR 65% · D 35%In proportion5R · 2D
Redrawn after a 6–3 Supreme Court order lifted the injunction that had required a second Black-opportunity district.
Legislature · after Louisiana v. Callais
2024 presidential voteR 61% · D 39%In proportion4R · 2D
Redrawn after the Supreme Court's decision in Louisiana v. Callais, reducing the Black share of the 6th district.
Court-ordered
2024 presidential voteR 61% · D 39%In proportion2R · 2D
Salt Lake County had been split across all four districts. The court's remedy consolidates it, creating the state's first Democratic-leaning seat.
Only claims a named source makes. Where sources disagree — and on Ohio they do — the disagreement is printed rather than settled.
Districts namedNone named by any source
Proposition 50 replaced the commission map statewide for this cycle, targeting up to five Republican-held seats. Reporting describes the effect at delegation level rather than naming a settled list of five districts, so none are named here.
Verified againstNBC News Ballotpedia PBS NewsHour
Districts namedTX‑9, TX‑28, TX‑32, TX‑34, TX‑35
Five Democratic-held districts were redrawn for Republican pickup. TX-28 lost heavily Hispanic Hidalgo County and gained Nueces County and the Corpus Christi area, moving the presidential margin from R+4.5 to about R+10. TX-34 absorbed roughly 75% of the former CD-9, raising its Black population share from 34% to about 45%. TX-35 gained Hidalgo County and lost part of Bexar County, raising Hispanic CVAP from about 69% to about 87%. Critics characterise the last two as packing — concentrating minority voters into fewer seats to drain them from neighbouring ones.
CaveatBrookings has published an analysis arguing the map is unlikely to deliver all five seats. The +5 figure is the map's design intent as reported, not an outcome.
Verified againstWikipedia The Texas Tribune Brookings Institution KUT (Austin NPR)
Districts namedNone named by any source
A four-seat Republican gain reported at delegation level. No per-district breakdown was corroborated, so none is asserted.
Verified againstWikipedia Loyola Law School
Districts namedOH‑9, OH‑13
The commission map improves Republican chances in two seats, moving the delegation from 10-5 toward 12-3.
CaveatSOURCES DISAGREE on which two. Contemporaneous news reporting names the 9th and 13th; a summary of the Wikipedia overview named the 1st and 9th. The two-seat effect is agreed; the specific district numbers are not, and both readings are recorded here rather than one being chosen.
Districts namedNC‑1
Lines approved in late October 2025 target the 1st district, the delegation's most competitive seat.
Districts namedTN‑9
The Memphis-based 9th, the state's one reliably Democratic seat, was divided.
Verified againstWikipedia
Districts namedMO‑5
The map dismantles the strongly Democratic 5th district, splitting Kansas City. Its aim was to move the delegation from 6-2 to 7-1.
CaveatWhich map Missouri actually uses in November is UNRESOLVED as of the verification date. See the state row in maps_2026.json.
Verified againstWikipedia Missouri Independent Ballotpedia
Districts namedNone named by any source
Reported as eliminating the second majority-Black district created under the Allen v. Milligan litigation. The affected district number was not corroborated across sources, so none is named.
Verified againstWikipedia Brennan Center for Justice
Districts namedLA‑6
Redrawn after Louisiana v. Callais, reducing the Black share of the 6th.
Verified againstWikipedia Brennan Center for Justice
Districts namedUT‑1, UT‑2, UT‑3, UT‑4
All four districts were redrawn by court order. Salt Lake County had been split across every district; the remedy consolidates it, creating the state's first Democratic-leaning seat.
Verified againstWikipedia Loyola Law School
States are laid out roughly west to east. A state that redrew is lit, and one that did not is dimmed. Within a redrawn state, a filled and numbered square is a district that reporting identified by number. A hollow one is a district in that state whose lines moved but which no source singled out.
The amber seats are the shift each map is designed to produce, as the sources on each state describe it. That is not an election result. Maps can miss their design, and Brookings argues the Texas map is unlikely to deliver all five of its seats. Missouri's new map may not be in force at all by November.
Court-ordered and Voting Rights Act redraws count here the same as legislature-drawn ones. The difference appears in each state's authority line, not in a third colour. The seat totals follow the 2020 apportionment and must add up to 435, and every figure on this page comes from the same state list, or the page does not build. The states and shifts match The Redraw, which carries enactment dates, legal mechanisms and litigation.
The “in proportion” figures take each state's 2024 presidential vote, counting only the Republican and Democratic candidates, as a rough measure of how the state divides, and allocate its seats by largest remainder. A delegation elected district by district is not built to match that number, and neither the old maps nor the new ones were required to. The yardstick shows how far each delegation sits from its state's statewide vote. It does not say what the delegation ought to be.
District detail verified 2026-09-10. Built 2026-09-11 from
data/redistricting/. Missouri is live and will change.